Closing in on the truth
Calling Trump the ‘worst president in modern history,’ Congressman Adam Schiff says evidence of collusion between Russia and the Trump campaign is mounting
Award-Winning Journalist & Pasadena's District 6 City Councilmember's Field Representative
Leading the Foreign Affairs Conversation in NYC & LA
Global cities like New York and Los Angeles are increasingly shaping the international policy conversation, New York City’s Commissioner for International Affairs Penny Abeywardena told Pacific Council members during a special roundtable discussion. The discussion was moderated by Ms. Karen Richardson, former Deputy Assistant Secretary in the State Department’s Bureau of Public Affairs.
Since her appointment in 2014, Abeywardena, a Los Angeles native, has guided the NYC Mayor’s Office for International Affairs in launching a series of initiatives focused on showcasing the local leadership and inclusive values of New York City toward achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), as well as connecting New Yorkers, and youth in particular, to the resources of the United Nations Headquarters.
"Before Mayor Bill de Blasio reached out to me to run the international affairs office, the office focused on the city’s role as a host to the diplomatic community and its operational responsibilities such as diplomatic incidents, security issues, the parking program, and helping the diplomatic and consular corps navigate this city," said Abeywardena, adding that New York City is home to the world’s largest diplomatic corps with the UN headquarters and its affiliates, 193 permanent missions, 114 consulates, and over 70 trade commissions.
"New York City and Los Angeles are beacons of sanity to the international community."
Penny Abeywardena
"My goal was to be an entrepreneur in government," she said. "The mayor and I wanted to create a global platform to promote that which is working in New York City. We’ve launched or expanded universal pre-K and tackled affordable housing, homelessness, climate action, and other important issues. But we also knew it was important for New Yorkers to find value in being a host city to this incredible diplomatic corps."
Abeywardena pointed out that the UN gets a "bad rap" from New Yorkers, partly because the city has not strategically marketed the benefits of the relationship.
"I commissioned the first economic impact analysis of hosting the UN in New York City in over 25 years," she said. "The numbers were extraordinary. It’s a boon of almost $3.69 billion. Instead of thinking about all the traffic in September during the UN General Assembly, think about all the people that are visiting our bodegas and dry cleaners and restaurants. There is a huge economic benefit in hosting the UN in our city."
Abeywardena is focused on connecting both adults and young New Yorkers with the UN. Her office engages them through two programs: Global Vision | Urban Action, in which they translate the 17 SDGs into concrete actions at the local level, and the NYC Junior Ambassadors program, in which seventh grade educators incorporate the SDGs into their curriculum, conduct field trips to the UN, and receive a classroom visit from a senior diplomat.
"There is a real desire from our global counterparts to hear New York City’s values as American values, and to see how we are leading on everything from climate action and immigration to education and housing."
Penny Abeywardena
Abeywardena said it is important that global cities such as New York and Los Angeles communicate, which is why she reached out to L.A.’s new Deputy Mayor for International Affairs Nina Hachigian, who is also a Pacific Council Director.
"New York City and Los Angeles are beacons of sanity to the international community," said Abeywardena. "There is a real desire from our global counterparts to hear New York City’s values as American values, and to see how we are leading on everything from climate action to how we support our immigrants to how we are tackling issues related to education and housing."
Two of the biggest issues where cities have displayed their leadership is immigration and climate action, Abeywardena said. On immigration, she pointed out that the consular corps are important bridges into the city’s immigrant communities.
"We work with them to make sure city services are getting out to them in a program called Connecting Local to Global," she said. "And we have a program called IDNYC which ensures that all New Yorkers, regardless of their immigration status, are able to have an ID card, without which you can’t access city services or even pick up your kids from school."
"Organizations like the UN are increasingly looking to cities and the private sector as federal governments are shifting away from their appropriate responsibility."
Penny Abeywardena
The Puerto Rican community, in particular, is significant in New York, and the city's response to Hurricane Maria provides another example of how cities are handling the responsibilities of what are typically seen as the federal government's responsibilties. Two months after the hurricane devastated the island, about half of the island still does not have electricity. New York City has set up a website to accept donations for their Puerto Rico relief efforts.
"New York City has a commitment to supporting our Puerto Rican community during this time when we don’t really feel like the federal government is showing up," she said. "We’re working closely with the Department of Education so any students coming in from Puerto Rico are immediately integrated into a classroom."
According to Abeywardena, climate action is one of the main ways that cities such as New York and Los Angeles are displaying their leadership on the global stage.
"New York City along with 300 other cities came together and signed their own executive orders around committing to the Paris Accord," she said. "A few weeks ago, New York City released our policy plan as to how we are going to achieve that, and that has been really important because organizations like the UN are increasingly looking to cities and the private sector as federal governments are shifting away from their appropriate responsibility. One thing that has come out of this last year that most of the international community and also Americans didn’t appreciate is the power of cities and states to lead and shape policy."
"With all the recent elections in the western world, there are a lot of like-minded mayors and governors out there who allow for different opportunities for engagement."
Penny Abeywardena
Abeywardena said that one of the unintended consequences of Donald Trump’s election is that it is now more appealing for some foreign entities to engage with the United States through its cities.
"There’s a real sense of solidarity at the city level," she said. "With all the recent elections in the western world, there are a lot of like-minded mayors and governors out there who allow for different opportunities for engagement."
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Justin Chapman is the Communications Associate at the Pacific Council on International Policy.
The views and opinions expressed here are those of the speaker and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Pacific Council.
Ma Ying-jeou Calls for Stronger Cross-Strait Relations
Relations between mainland China and Taiwan are deteriorating and must be restored, former Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou told Pacific Council members. The discussion was moderated by Ambassador Nina Hachigian, deputy mayor of international affairs for the city of Los Angeles.
Taiwan and mainland China have long had strained relations since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. While President Trump has signaled clear support for maintaining U.S.-Taiwan relations, only 20 states officially recognize Taiwan as the Republic of China, and the United States is not one of them.
Ma said that the 1992 Consensus, in which both sides met to negotiate what the One China policy actually means, is the bedrock for relations between the two sides.
"On one hand, mainland China wants a relationship with Taiwan, but they also want to make sure that we accept the One China principle," said Ma. "Per the 1992 Consensus, both sides of the Taiwan Strait must adhere to the One China principle, but they can express their own interpretation of it."
"If the young people of the two sides could meet and make friends early in their life, I’m sure the chances of sustainable peace would be possible."
Ma Ying-jeou
Relations between Taiwan and mainland China have had their ups and downs. Ma pointed out that before he was elected president in 2008, the relationship was at a low point.
"Barely one month into my presidency, the two sides reached an agreement called the Three Communications: trade, travel, and mail," he said. "We also agreed that we will exchange tourists. This was a revolutionary change. At the time, there were only about 290,000 visitors from mainland China per year. By the time I left office, the number reached 4.2 million."
Ma also said that he sees cross-strait friendships growing among young people.
"In 2007, the number of mainland students studying in Taiwan was 823," he said. "By the time I left office, the number reached 42,000. This is very, very important because I always believe that if the young people of the two sides could meet and make friends early in their life, I’m sure the chances of sustainable peace would be possible."
Since Ma left office in May 2016, he said cross-strait relations have deteriorated.
"President Tsai Ing-wen so far has not accepted the 1992 Consensus," he said. "Her party generally supports Taiwan’s independence, so it makes it very difficult for her to accept the 1992 Consensus. But mainland China attaches so much importance to it. When we don’t have contact with mainland China, it could affect many aspects of our lives: trade, investment, and other things. I sincerely hope President Tsai will reconsider her position, because when I was president I accepted the 1992 Consensus but I didn’t do anything that would hurt our dignity or interests."
"My grand strategy is maintaining a peaceful relationship with China, a friendly relationship with Japan, and a close relationship with the United States. By doing that, we could maintain the balance."
Ma Ying-jeou
Exactly two years to the day before Ma’s discussion with the Pacific Council, he and Chinese President Xi Jinping became the first presidents of Taiwan and China to meet publicly, which was held in Singapore.
"We called the meeting between me and Xi Jinping ‘MaXi,’" said Ma. "We first established the ground rules for the meeting: neither side should refer to official titles. Instead of ‘People’s Republic of China’ and ‘Republic of China (Taiwan),’ we would just say ‘mainland’ and ‘Taiwan.’ And neither leader should be called ‘president’ or ‘chairman,’ just ‘mister.’ Mainland China said they wanted to pay for the expenses of the meeting because they have diplomatic relations with Singapore and we don’t. I said, ‘Okay.’ For beverages, they would bring 30-year-old Moutai and we would bring 25-year-old Gaoliang. After the banquet, we found that more Gaoliang was consumed than Moutai, so we won," Ma joked.
At the meeting, Ma and Xi reconfirmed that the 1992 Consensus is the common political ground of the two sides.
"We wanted to use this opportunity to further reduce hostilities between the two sides and to broaden and deepen the cross-strait contacts," said Ma. "We built a bridge of peace across the Taiwan Strait. My grand strategy is maintaining a peaceful relationship with China, a friendly relationship with Japan, and a close relationship with the United States. By doing that, we could maintain the balance."
"Unification should not only be peaceful, but also democratic."
Ma Ying-jeou
Ma pointed out that a majority of the Taiwanese people want to maintain the status quo in terms of relations with mainland China, with a small minority that wants independence and a small minority that wants unification.
"At the moment, the possibility of independence is diminishing," he said. "Domestically, we already have a self-ruled government. Internationally, there’s no chance of getting recognition from a lot of countries. Much like Catalonia, in the sense that no one will recognize us. So we better keep the status quo. On the issue of unification, we’d have to get the consent of the people. So unification should not only be peaceful, but also democratic. The mainland will not take any drastic action if Taiwan stayed as it is. So I think these issues can be worked out."
One area where Taiwan and mainland China agree, Ma said, is the South China Sea.
"Our position on the South China Sea, in many ways, is just the same as mainland China, in terms of territorial claim," he said. "The United States is concerned about land reclamation in the South China Sea, but according to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, countries can build artificial islands in Exclusive Economic Zones or the high seas without much difficulty. Even the Permanent Court of Arbitration said that what they did only violated environmental protection regulations, but the action alone isn’t necessarily in violation of the Convention on the Law of the Sea."
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Justin Chapman is the Communications Associate at the Pacific Council on International Policy.
The views and opinions expressed here are those of the speaker and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Pacific Council.
Xi Jinping is China's Most Powerful Leader Since Mao Zedong
Chinese President Xi Jinping is being elevated to a status not seen since Mao Zedong and China is entering a third era since its 1949 revolution, Dr. Jeffrey Wasserstrom told Pacific Council members in a Situation Briefing teleconference on China’s 19th Communist Party Congress.
Wasserstrom is the Chancellor’s Professor of History at the University of California, Irvine.
China’s Communist Party Congress, a weeklong meeting held every five years, sets the tone and direction of China for the next five. This year’s Party Congress, which ended on October 24, formally granted President Xi Jinping a second term as the country’s leader but did not identify a successor. In his opening remarks, Xi laid out a vision of a reinvigorated Communist Party with total control of China’s economy, internet, culture, religion, and morals. Xi’s name and political ideology were incorporated into the constitution, an unprecedented honor belonging only to Xi and Mao Zedong.
"Xi is clearly the most powerful person in China," said Wasserstrom. "That’s one of the few things there is complete consensus on across the scholarly and policy world."
"There is more of a cult of personality in the way that Xi has ruled China than his two immediate predecessors."
Jeffrey Wasserstrom
The fact that the Party Congress did not indicate a clear successor has rekindled "speculation about whether Xi is actually planning to stay on beyond the traditional 10 years," Wasserstrom said, adding that "there is more of a cult of personality in the way that Xi has ruled China than his two immediate predecessors, Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin. They were also president, but it’s more important to focus on them as head of the Communist Party, because that’s really where their power comes from. ‘President’ is a secondary role that they play."
Wasserstrom pointed out that even before this year’s Party Congress, Xi was known for breaking norms that previous Chinese leaders followed.
"One of those norms was that they didn’t put a lot of attention on the leader’s personality or writings until they stepped down," he said. "Whereas with Xi, books by and about him are the first thing you see when you walk into Chinese bookstores now. There has been talk of bringing Xi Jinping thought into classrooms by loudspeakers, including in Hong Kong. There has been intensive promotion by the Communist Party establishment of his slogans and writings and books, and that seems more of a throwback to the period before the last couple of leaders than a continuity."
Wasserstrom said that Xi may come up with a way to maintain power behind the scenes even if he relinquishes official titles after his two 5-year terms. He added that a third era of China has begun.
"We’ve seen signs of movement toward China opening up and we assume that they’ll somehow continue on to enormous openness and a liberal democratic system, and then that’s upended by shifts toward oppression and control."
Jeffrey Wasserstrom
"Whether it emerged in the wake of the Olympics or Xi’s rise or maybe it’s clearly emerging now, but there’s a good case to be made that we need to think of China in three periods post-1949," he said.
That said, Wasserstrom warned against making predictions about China, because most of the important decisions are made behind closed doors. He also said assuming that a trend line will continue is a big mistake.
"This has led us into being overly optimistic about the potential for liberalization within China," he said. "We’ve seen signs of movement toward opening up and we assume that they’ll somehow continue on to enormous openness and a liberal democratic system, and then that’s upended by shifts toward oppression and control."
Ironically, Wasserstrom pointed out, President Trump’s rhetoric about U.S. allies, free trade, and globalization has inadvertently helped Xi’s position.
"In many ways, Trump’s questioning of long-time U.S. alliances and speaking out with a skeptical tone about globalization has opened up all sorts of new possibilities for Xi Jinping at a moment when he wants to position himself as someone who is open to new alliances and is looking to have China make new connections around the world," said Wasserstrom. "At the same time, Xi has been speaking out against the flow of ideas from different parts of the world into China. He is being interpreted as someone who’s more open than in many ways he actually is."
"There’s no simple way that China can solve the North Korea situation because there’s nothing about it that’s simple."
Jeffrey Wasserstrom
Regarding Xi’s influence over North Korea, Wasserstrom said there are limitations that the United States does not seem to consider.
"It’s possible for a country to be very frustrated by some of the behavior of a weaker country that’s an ally, and yet not be able to completely control the behavior of that ally," he said. "That’s part of the situation between China and North Korea. There are limits to what Xi can do even if he’s very frustrated and would like some of the issues to disappear. There is a tremendous desire in Beijing for stability and circumstances it can control on its borders. The idea of North Korea imploding or regime change there could destabilize things within China by causing a flood of refugees across the border. There is also a concern about any scenario in which the Korean Peninsula is reunified in a way that makes it a clear military ally of the United States."
Wasserstrom indicated that the Trump administration should not rely too heavily on China to solve its North Korea problem.
"There’s no simple way that China can solve the North Korea situation because there’s nothing about it that’s simple," Wasserstrom said.
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Justin Chapman is the Communications Associate at the Pacific Council on International Policy.
The views and opinions expressed here are those of the speaker and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Pacific Council.